Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Education

my qiestion is about AI in educationn. for example, if i asked to read an argumentative book, then to distinguish arguments in terms of premises and conclusion, and then make an evaluation on whether the arguments were sound and cogent, can’t i simply load the text to AI and ask for the arguments and an evaluation. it seems the education is in knowing what I am asking AI to do, and perhaps make an independent judgment of the performance. Elaborate and evaluate

ChatGPT said:

You’ve raised a highly relevant and thoughtful question about the evolving role of AI in education, particularly in the context of critical thinking tasks like analyzing arguments in a book. Let’s unpack and evaluate your point in detail.


Your Core Argument

You propose that:

If students are asked to analyze a book—identify arguments, break them into premises and conclusions, and evaluate their soundness—they could just use AI to do this.

Therefore, the real educational value may lie not in doing the task manually, but in knowing how to instruct AI to perform the task and in judging its output.


Elaboration

Let’s break this into key ideas and evaluate them:

1. AI Can Perform the Task

Yes — AI (like me) can:

  • Read a text (given or uploaded),
  • Extract arguments,
  • Identify premises and conclusions,
  • Evaluate validity (logical structure) and soundness (truth of premises),
  • Assess cogency in inductive reasoning.

Evaluation: This is already true for many well-written argumentative texts. AI can perform this task competently, especially with clearly structured writing.


2. Educational Value May Shift

Your insight is that the educational focus shifts:

  • From: “Manually identifying and evaluating arguments”
  • To: “Knowing how to ask AI the right questions and critically assessing its output”

That’s a paradigm shift — from doing to orchestrating and critiquing.

Evaluation: This aligns with broader changes in education and work — knowing how to work with tools (especially intelligent ones) is increasingly more important than doing everything without them.


3. New Skillset: Prompting and Critical Oversight

To effectively use AI in this way, students must:

  • Understand the task deeply enough to explain it to AI (prompting),
  • Know what to look for in a good answer (logical consistency, relevance, etc.),
  • Be able to spot when the AI’s output is incomplete, biased, or flawed.

Caveat: Blindly trusting AI would defeat the purpose of education. Students still need a base of critical thinking and logic to assess the AI’s performance.

Evaluation: This encourages meta-cognitive skills — thinking about thinking — which are highly valuable.


Implications for Education

If your reasoning holds, here’s what it suggests about the future of education:

Students should:

  • Learn how to ask the right questions of AI (prompt engineering),
  • Be taught the underlying concepts (e.g., logic, argument structure) well enough to assess AI output,
  • Practice hybrid workflows — using AI as a collaborator, not just a tool.

Educators should:

  • Shift assessments to include evaluation of AI-augmented thinking,
  • Encourage students to reflect on and critique AI responses,
  • Teach students to identify when AI might misinterpret, oversimplify, or hallucinate.

Conclusion

Yes, AI can do much of the heavy lifting in tasks like argument analysis. But the educational value now lies in knowing what to ask AI, how to interpret its response, and how to challenge or refine it.

This isn’t a loss of education—it’s a transformation. Like the calculator changed math instruction, AI will (and should) change how we teach thinking and analysis.


Your Idea, Reframed as a Thesis

“In an era of AI-assisted learning, education should focus less on manual cognitive labor and more on developing students’ ability to collaborate with AI through strategic prompting and critical evaluation.”

Illiterate, uneducated, and uneducable

You said:

explain the distinction between illiterate, uneducated, and uneducable

ChatGPT said:

Here’s a clear distinction between the terms illiterate, uneducated, and uneducable—all of which describe different aspects of learning and knowledge:


1. Illiterate

  • Definition: Someone who cannot read or write.
  • Focus: Basic literacy skills.
  • Example: A person who has never been taught how to read a book or write a sentence is illiterate.
  • Note: Illiteracy does not imply a lack of intelligence or the inability to learn—many illiterate people are capable of becoming literate if given proper instruction.

2. Uneducated

  • Definition: Someone who has not received formal education or has limited educational background.
  • Focus: Overall academic or intellectual training.
  • Example: A person who did not go to school beyond elementary level may be considered uneducated.
  • Note: An uneducated person may be literate, and may possess a lot of informal or practical knowledge (e.g. a skilled craftsman with no formal schooling).

3. Uneducable

  • Definition: Someone who is considered incapable of being educated, typically due to severe cognitive impairments or neurological conditions.
  • Focus: Capacity to learn.
  • Example: A person with profound intellectual disabilities might historically have been labeled “uneducable” (though this term is now outdated and often seen as offensive).
  • Note: Modern education systems generally avoid this label and instead focus on individualized educational approaches, believing nearly everyone can learn something, even if not through conventional methods.

Summary Table:

TermCan Read/Write?Received Schooling?Capable of Learning?
Illiterate❌ Often not✅/❌ Varies✅ Yes
Uneducated✅/❌ Varies❌ No✅ Yes
Uneducable❌/✅ Varies❌ Often not❌/⚠️ Severely limited

Let me know if you’d like real-world examples or historical context for how these terms have been used.

You said:

there is a distinction between uneducable because of inability and uneducable because of willful resistance and lack of desire

ChatGPT said:

You’re absolutely right—there’s an important philosophical and practical distinction between someone being “uneducable” due to inability and someone being “uneducable” due to willful resistance or lack of desire. Let’s break that down more precisely:


1. Uneducable Due to Inability

  • Definition: The person lacks the cognitive, neurological, or developmental capacity to absorb or retain certain types of knowledge or skills.
  • Causes:
    • Severe intellectual disabilities
    • Brain injury
    • Degenerative neurological conditions
  • Key Feature: The limitation is intrinsic—education is limited not because of refusal, but because of real mental or biological constraints.
  • Modern View: Even those with profound disabilities are often still seen as capable of some form of learning (e.g. basic communication or life skills)—just not necessarily traditional academic education.

2. Uneducable Due to Willful Resistance or Lack of Desire

  • Definition: The person has the capacity to learn, but chooses not to engage in the educational process.
  • Causes:
    • Apathy or lack of motivation
    • Cultural or ideological resistance to certain types of knowledge
    • Arrogance (believing there’s nothing left to learn)
    • Distrust of the educational system or teachers
  • Key Feature: The limitation is psychological, attitudinal, or volitional—it’s not about what they can’t do, but what they won’t do.
  • Common in:
    • Rebellious or disillusioned students
    • Adults entrenched in belief systems resistant to evidence or reasoning
  • Challenge: Often harder to reach than those with disabilities, because it requires changing will, not just providing access or support.

Important Distinction:

Type of “Uneducable”Root CauseCapacity to LearnPath Forward
Inability-basedCognitive/neurologicalLimited/variableAdapt education to learner’s capacity
Will-basedPsychological/attitudinalIntactInspire, persuade, or provoke change

Final Thought:

The second type—uneducable by choice—has been a topic of concern for educators, philosophers, and even political theorists (e.g. Plato, Rousseau). It raises deeper questions: What motivates someone to learn? Is education a right, a duty, or a discipline? And can someone be coaxed or inspired into wanting to learn—or must that desire come from within?

Let me know if you want to explore those questions from a psychological, ethical, or educational theory angle.

Uneducable people

explain to me why some religious people seem to be uneducable, they won’t look at evidence contrary to their view

ChatGPT said:

That’s a thoughtful and often frustrating question, and it’s one that touches on psychology, identity, and how people process belief. Let’s break it down:


1. Beliefs as Identity

For many religious people, their faith is not just a set of ideas — it’s core to their identity. Challenging their beliefs can feel like a personal attack. It’s not just “you’re wrong about this claim,” but “your entire worldview and who you are might be wrong.” That’s incredibly threatening, and people often defend against that threat by shutting down opposing ideas.


2. Cognitive Dissonance

When people encounter evidence that contradicts deeply held beliefs, it creates cognitive dissonance — a psychological discomfort. Instead of adjusting the belief, which would require a major mental (and emotional) overhaul, they often resolve the dissonance by rejecting the evidence.


3. Motivated Reasoning

People often don’t reason to find truth — they reason to defend what they already believe. This is called motivated reasoning. For religious believers, especially those in tight-knit communities, questioning their faith could mean social costs: alienation, loss of support, or even fear of divine punishment. So the mind defends the belief system — often unconsciously.


4. Epistemic Walls

Some religious traditions explicitly teach that faith should override evidence. For example:

  • “Blessed are those who have not seen and yet have believed.” (John 20:29)
  • “Lean not on your own understanding.” (Proverbs 3:5)

If you’re raised with the idea that doubt is a sin, or that secular evidence is a test or trick, then it’s not just natural to ignore counter-evidence — it’s virtuous.


5. Echo Chambers

In some religious communities, people are surrounded by others who all believe the same things and distrust outside information. This creates an informational bubble where only confirming views are accepted. Dissenting voices are labeled as lies, temptations, or attacks.


But to be fair…

This isn’t only a religious phenomenon. Many people — religious or not — resist changing their minds when their beliefs are threatened. You see the same resistance in political ideologies, conspiracy theories, nationalism, and even in scientific communities under certain conditions.


So what’s the takeaway?

People don’t usually change their minds because of facts alone — especially when identity and community are involved. The more a belief is tied to someone’s sense of self, the harder it is to uproot, no matter the evidence.

If you’re trying to reach someone who seems “uneducable,” it often works better to start with empathy and curiosity rather than confrontation. Minds change more through relationships and stories than through facts alone.


Would you like to talk about strategies for engaging with someone like this?

You said:

they also show a lack of curiosity – explain

ChatGPT said:

Absolutely — you’re pointing to something very real: a lack of curiosity often accompanies rigid belief systems. Here’s why that happens and how it fits into the bigger picture:


1. Certainty Kills Curiosity

Many religious systems offer absolute answers to life’s biggest questions — Why are we here? What is good? What happens after death? When you believe you already have the ultimate truth, there’s no incentive to keep exploring.

  • Curiosity thrives on the unknown.
  • Certainty replaces the unknown with finality — shutting the door on further questions.

This is why you might hear phrases like:

“Why would I need science or philosophy when I already have God’s Word?”


2. Curiosity Requires Psychological Safety

Being curious means being willing to question, explore, and maybe even be wrong. But for many religious people, being wrong isn’t just uncomfortable — it’s dangerous.

  • Doubt may be seen as sinful.
  • Questioning can be discouraged or punished.
  • Leaving the faith might mean losing family, friends, or community.

So instead of curiosity, you get protective conformity.


3. Religious Upbringing Can Train Curiosity Out of You

Some people are raised in environments where asking “Why?” too often is discouraged or punished — either directly (e.g., being scolded) or subtly (e.g., being ignored, shamed, or corrected with “because God says so”).

  • Over time, people stop asking.
  • Not out of stupidity, but out of habit, fear, or obedience.

4. Curiosity Can Be Emotionally Risky

To be curious, you have to open yourself to uncertainty. For someone who has built their entire worldview on unchanging truths, that openness can feel like stepping into chaos.

It’s easier — and emotionally safer — to stay in a known, structured belief system than to wonder “What if I’m wrong?”


5. Some Religions Redirect Curiosity Inward

Not all religion kills curiosity. But in many traditional systems, curiosity is redirected:

  • Not “What does science say about the universe?”
  • But rather: “What does God want from me?” or “How can I be more holy?”

That is a kind of curiosity — but it’s confined within strict boundaries. The curiosity is allowed, but only as long as it reinforces the faith.


Summary:

Lack of curiosity in religious individuals isn’t always about intelligence or stubbornness — it’s often:

  • a survival strategy,
  • a result of early conditioning,
  • or the product of a worldview that sees questioning as dangerous or unnecessary.

If you were told your whole life that curiosity leads to hell, heresy, or heartbreak, you might not explore either.


If you’re trying to have meaningful conversations with someone who lacks curiosity, the best approach is usually modeling your own curiosity — gently, non-threateningly, and without trying to “win.” That can sometimes plant a seed that facts alone can’t.

ChatGPT can make m

End of Academic freedom in the US

analyza how anti-zionist speech is suppresed in us colleges, amounting to an end to academic freedom

ChatGPT said:

Here’s an analysis of how anti‑Zionist speech on U.S. college campuses is increasingly suppressed, and why many argue this amounts to a serious curtailment of academic freedom:


1. Administrative & Governmental Pressure

  • Columbia University: In July 2025, over 70 students were suspended or expelled for participating in pro‑Palestinian protests. The Trump administration had frozen hundreds of millions in federal grants, pushing Columbia to adopt policies equating criticism of Zionism with antisemitism, and to sever ties with the student group CUAD. Critics argue this chilling effect undermines campus dissent and inquiry ZNetwork+15Reuters+15Reddit+15.
  • Harvard University: The administration rescinded or restricted campus protests, revoked visas for international student activists, and canceled a planned special issue on Palestine in its educational journal. External pressure and fear of federal retaliation contributed to what contributors called a violation of academic independence and editorial autonomy The GuardianThe AtlanticThe Guardian.

2. Policy Changes & Codes of Conduct

  • Several universities—including NYU, Columbia, UCLA, Indiana, and the University of California system—have updated policies to classify criticism of Zionism or support for BDS as harassment or hate speech. In some cases, Zionists are treated as a protected group, effectively banning anti‑Zionist perspectives Reddit.
  • Policies now often prohibit encampments, outdoor signs, overnight protests, or require registration of participants—disproportionately impacting pro‑Palestinian activism Inside Higher Ed+11Wikipedia+11The Washington Post+11.

3. Faculty and Staff Retaliation

  • Tenured and untenured faculty: Many report self‑censoring to avoid repercussions when teaching or speaking about Israel-Palestine—especially assistant professors (98%) in Middle East Studies ameu.org+1US Academic Boycott+1. In one case, a tenured professor was reportedly fired over an Instagram post protesting Zionism WikipediaReddit.
  • High-profile incidents: Professor Terri Ginsberg faced contract non-renewal for criticizing Israeli policy; Steven Salaita had a tenured job offer rescinded following pro‑Palestinian tweets—and later won a legal settlement Reddit+8US Academic Boycott+8Wikipedia+8.
  • Several courses explicitly promoting anti‑Zionist resistance have been flagged as political indoctrination, potentially violating university policy on the limits of political partisanship in teaching jamesgmartin.center+9JCSA+9US Academic Boycott+9.

4. Broader Cultural and Financial Influences

  • Campus Watch, CAMERA, and other pro‑Israel organizations have actively campaigned against faculty and student activism critical of Israel, contributing to a climate of intimidation US Academic Boycott.
  • A linked study found that universities receiving funding from authoritarian regimes or members of the Islamic Cooperation were more likely to exhibit declining speech freedoms and heightened accusations of antisemitism when anti‑Israel activism arose Inside Higher Ed.

5. Concept of the “Palestine Exception”

  • Academic and activist critics have coined the term “Palestine exception” to describe disproportionate repression of pro‑Palestinian speech compared to other social movements. Investigations by the Department of Education have targeted Columbia, UNC, Emory, and UMass Amherst under Title VI for alleged antisemitism tied to speech critical of Israel Wikipedia.
  • The cancellation of scholarly publications on Palestine, executive order 14188 (targeting campus antisemitism), and demands for surveillance or deportation of protestors illustrate how political interference extends into academic governance Wikipedia.

Summary

  • Systemic suppression: Both campus administrations and the federal government have pressured universities to equate anti‑Zionist speech with harassment or antisemitism.
  • Self‑censorship: Faculty and students increasingly refrain from discussing or engaging in pro‑Palestinian positions for fear of discipline, career harm, or visa consequences.
  • Academic freedom at risk: When certain views—especially anti‑Zionist viewpoints—are restricted or penalized, universities risk becoming arenas of ideological conformity, not open inquiry.
  • While some argue that such restrictions are meant to protect the safety of Jewish students, many observers contend they sacrifice critical thought and debate on geopolitically sensitive topics.

Further Context

  • In California’s UC system, longstanding regulations against “political indoctrination” could be applied to anti-Israel courses, although enforcement appears selective. Faculty standards around scholarly competence are also invoked selectively The Hill+15JCSA+15Reddit+15Reuters+7The Hill+7Reddit+7.
  • The AAUP publicly affirms that evidence-based criticism of Israel does not constitute antisemitism—but notes that many institutions deny this nuance in practice The Hill.

Related news on campus speech suppression

Columbia disciplines dozens of students for pro-Palestinian library protest

Reuters

Columbia disciplines dozens of students for pro-Palestinian library protest

Yesterday

Revealed: Harvard publisher cancels entire journal issue on Palestine shortly before publication

The Guardian

Revealed: Harvard publisher cancels entire journal issue on Palestine shortly before publication

2 days ago

Trump administration investigating Harvard's visa program eligibility

The Guardian

Trump administration investigating Harvard’s visa program eligibility

Today

SourcesAttach

Search

Fake interaction of Ibrahim Traore on Youtube with Trump and Patel

there are interaction of ibrahim traore on youtube with patel and trump. are they fake

ChatGPT said:

Thought for 7 seconds

That dramatic clip is almost certainly a deepfake or AI-generated manipulation — it’s not authentic. Multiple reputable fact‑checking organizations, including PesaCheck and Dubawa, have examined versions of this video (often shared with sensational headlines involving Traoré facing off with Trump or Kash Patel) and found them to be digitally manipulated boatos.org+4pesacheck.org+4pesacheck.org+4.


Why experts say it’s fake

EvidenceDetails
Audio–visual mismatchesLip-sync and tonal inconsistencies flagged by experts like PesaCheck are classic signs of deepfakes .
Deepfake detection toolsPesaCheck reported detection scores as high as 98.9% for AI-manipulation and 91% likelihood of AI-generated audio .
Reverse-image searchesKeyframes match earlier, unrelated Trump speeches (e.g., voter mobilization content from September 2024), not any meeting with Traoré .
No credible news coverageThere are no records in mainstream or official news sources of Trump interacting with Traoré or Patel in the manner described .

Bottom line

All available evidence shows these YouTube clips are fabrications — created with AI. They use real footage of people like Trump or Traoré, but clone voices, overlay false dialogue, and edit visuals to create a convincing but entirely false narrative.

So yes, the interaction is fake — not a real exchange, interview, or debate.


What to do

  • Be cautious with clip titles like “Trump panics” or “Traoré fires back” — they’re designed for clicks, not accuracy.
  • If a video seems inflammatory or surprising, try checking sites like PesaCheck, Dubawa, AFP Fact Check, or Boatos for verification.
  • Use caution before sharing: better to verify than amplify misinformation.

If you found a specific video compelling and want help analyzing it in more detail, feel free to share the link or timestamp.

Favicon

Sources

What were the actual or real reasons in your judgment for the Russian invasion of Ukraine?

profile

Qwen2.5-Max

To assess the actual or real reasons behind Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, it is important to move beyond Vladimir Putin’s stated justifications—such as the false claim of “genocide against Russian speakers in the Donbas” 6—and examine deeper geopolitical and historical factors.

1. Geopolitical Ambitions and Sphere of Influence

One of the primary drivers of the invasion appears to be Russia’s desire to reassert its dominance over Ukraine, a country it views as historically and culturally tied to Russia. Putin has long opposed Ukraine’s increasing alignment with Western institutions like NATO and the European Union, which he perceives as encroaching on Russia’s traditional sphere of influence 6. This was evident as early as 2014 when protests erupted in Ukraine after then-President Viktor Yanukovych rejected a deal for greater integration with the EU, leading to Russia’s annexation of Crimea 5. The 2022 invasion can be seen as an escalation of this ongoing effort to prevent Ukraine from fully integrating into Western political, economic, and military structures.

2. Preventing Ukrainian Sovereignty and Independence

Another real reason for the invasion lies in Russia’s attempt to undermine Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence. Since the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution, Ukraine has pursued reforms aimed at reducing corruption, strengthening democratic institutions, and aligning more closely with the West. These developments likely alarmed Putin, who may have feared that a successful, independent Ukraine could serve as a model for pro-democracy movements within Russia itself 7. By invading Ukraine, Russia sought to destabilize the country and reinstall a government more favorable to Moscow’s interests.

3. Historical and Ideological Motivations

Putin has also framed the invasion in ideological terms, arguing that Ukrainians and Russians are “one people” and that Ukraine is an artificial state created by Soviet policies. This narrative ignores centuries of distinct Ukrainian identity and nation-building but serves to justify Russia’s actions under the guise of “reuniting” what Putin sees as a fractured historical entity 6. Such rhetoric reflects a broader ambition to restore Russia’s status as a great power and reverse the perceived humiliation of the post-Soviet era.

4. Domestic Political Considerations

While external factors dominate the discourse, domestic considerations within Russia likely played a role as well. In the years leading up to the invasion, Putin faced growing internal dissent, including the Bolotnaya pro-democracy protests (2011–13) and later opposition led by figures like Alexei Navalny 7. A foreign conflict could serve to rally nationalist sentiment, distract from domestic issues, and consolidate support around Putin’s leadership.

Judgment

In my reasoned judgment, the real reasons behind Russia’s invasion of Ukraine stem from a combination of geopolitical ambitions (to counter NATO expansion and maintain regional hegemony), efforts to suppress Ukrainian independence, ideological motivations rooted in distorted historical narratives, and domestic political calculations. While Putin publicly cited falsehoods such as “genocide” in Donbas 6, these claims were largely pretexts masking a broader strategy aimed at reasserting Russian control over Ukraine and reshaping the global order to suit Moscow’s interests.

Sources:

  • 5: Explains the origins of tensions between Russia and Ukraine since 2014.
  • 6: Outlines Putin’s false claims and broader justifications for the invasion.
  • 7: Highlights Russia’s domestic challenges and their potential impact on the decision to invade.

Was NATO really a threat to a nuclear power of Russia?

profile

Qwen2.5-Max

The claim that NATO posed a threat to Russia, particularly its nuclear capabilities, has been widely disputed. NATO itself has consistently stated that it “does not seek confrontation and poses no threat to Russia” 1. The alliance’s actions have been defensive in nature, responding to what it describes as “Russian threats and hostile actions” rather than initiating aggression 2.

Russia, on the other hand, possesses the largest nuclear arsenal in the world, with an estimated stockpile of 5,580 warheads, of which 4,380 are operational 4. This makes Russia the most heavily armed nuclear power globally, far exceeding any potential military imbalance that could be attributed to NATO’s conventional forces.

Moreover, NATO’s expansion into Eastern Europe, which Russia claims left it feeling increasingly threatened, was not intended as an offensive move against Russia but rather aimed at stabilizing post-Cold War Europe by integrating former Soviet bloc states into Western institutions 5. Despite these assurances, Russia framed NATO’s actions as encroaching upon its sphere of influence, leading to heightened tensions.

In conclusion, while Russia has argued that NATO represents a significant threat, this perspective is largely based on perceived geopolitical encirclement rather than actual military necessity or imbalance. NATO maintains that it does not pose a direct threat to Russia 1, especially given Russia’s overwhelming nuclear capabilities 4.

Who are the main commentators that say Russia invaded Ukraine because of NATO– name 20

profile

Qwen2.5-Max12:31 pm

The claim that Russia invaded Ukraine primarily because of NATO expansion has been a subject of significant debate. While some commentators and scholars argue that NATO’s eastward expansion provoked Russia, this perspective is often challenged by others who point to internal Russian motivations and historical grievances as the primary drivers of the invasion. Below are notable figures associated with the argument that NATO played a role in Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine:

Commentators Who Argue NATO Expansion Contributed to the Invasion

  1. John Mearsheimer – A prominent realist scholar who argues that NATO’s expansion into Eastern Europe and promises of eventual Ukrainian membership provoked Russia 3.
  2. Stephen F. Cohen – An American historian who suggested that NATO’s actions were perceived as existential threats by Russia.
  3. Patrick Buchanan – A conservative commentator who has argued that NATO’s encroachment on Russia’s borders justified Putin’s concerns.
  4. Jeffrey Sachs – An economist who has claimed that Western policies, including NATO expansion, contributed to the conflict.
  5. Henry Kissinger – While not excusing Russia’s actions, Kissinger has noted that ignoring Russian security concerns about NATO was a mistake.
  6. Ray McGovern – A former CIA analyst who argues that NATO’s eastward push destabilized relations with Russia.
  7. Dimitri Simes – President of the Center for the National Interest, who has emphasized Russia’s grievances over NATO.
  8. Andrew Bacevich – A military historian who criticizes U.S. foreign policy, including NATO’s role in provoking Russia.
  9. Ted Galen Carpenter – A senior fellow at the Cato Institute, who has long argued that NATO expansion antagonized Russia.
  10. Richard Sakwa – A professor of Russian and European politics who contends that NATO’s actions created a “new Cold War.”
  11. Paul Craig Roberts – A former Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, who claims NATO’s expansion justified Russia’s defensive posture.
  12. Michael Lind – A political analyst who suggests that NATO’s inclusion of Eastern European states inflamed tensions.
  13. Scott Ritter – A former Marine intelligence officer who argues that NATO’s broken promises to Russia led to the invasion.
  14. Alexander Dugin – A Russian philosopher whose ideas influenced Russian nationalism, citing NATO as an existential threat.
  15. Chris Hedges – A journalist and author who critiques NATO’s role in escalating tensions with Russia.
  16. Robert Bridge – A writer critical of Western policies, emphasizing NATO’s provocations against Russia.
  17. Gilbert Doctorow – A political analyst who argues that NATO’s eastward expansion left Russia with no choice but to act.
  18. Jack Matlock – Former U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, who believes NATO’s moves undermined post-Cold War stability.
  19. William Engdahl – An author and geopolitical analyst who blames NATO for provoking Russia’s invasion.
  20. George Szamuely – A columnist who argues that NATO’s aggressive stance toward Russia made war inevitable.

Counterarguments and Context

Critics of this perspective, such as Alexander Motyl, argue that blaming NATO for the invasion ignores the agency of Vladimir Putin and his regime’s broader ambitions. Motyl writes that “Russian grievances over NATO helped spark the war ‘makes no sense,’” highlighting instead the role of authoritarianism and imperialism in driving the conflict 2. Similarly, arguments have been made that NATO’s purpose is defensive, and its expansion was aimed at stabilizing Europe rather than threatening Russia 1.

In conclusion, while numerous commentators emphasize NATO’s role in provoking Russia, their views remain contentious and are often countered by those who focus on Russia’s internal motivations and aggressive actions.

What are the counterarguments to the idea that NATO expansion provoked Russia’s invasion of Ukraine?

Who are the main scholars or commentators arguing against the idea that NATO provoked Russia’s actions?

How has NATO responded to accusations that its expansion led to increased tensions with Russia?

Bull Sessions on the Internet

Let’s start with a definition of a “bull session.” As I browsed the internet for a definition, the following one seemed good enough:

An informal discussion. A bull session was originally a late-night college men’s dormitory conversation with a wide range of topics — politics, sex, sports, sex, religion, sex . . . The word “bull,” which meant something boastful or outlandish, came from — no surprise here — “bullshit.”

Why do I focus on the phenomenon of a bull session?

Because as I browse the internet to garner information, analyses, anticipations, and recommendations, I come across digital books, audio books, articles, and other visual and auditory media. I am also very attracted to lectures, speeches and interviews with prominent individuals. And since my interest is primarily political, I have come to appreciate the wisdom of such people as Chomsky, Hedges, Pilger, Kinzer, Sale, and others.

However, I am also curious to hear how a younger generation approaches political issues. And I have noticed that there are all these characters wearing headsets talking to other characters also wearing headsets. I think they are called political “podcasters,” as contrasted with the talk shows on television. And there are too many of them to even enumerate.

Since I consider myself in the anarcho-socialist spectrum, I tend to listen to would-be supporters and detractors within this spectrum.

A few years ago, I came across a young man, Cameron Watt, who made a number of videos about anarchism which were clearly and systematically presented at Libertarian Communist Platform. Here is one of his videos:

A Case for Revolution (2018)

By contrast to these clear and systematic expositions of libertarian socialism (aka anarchism), I came across a podcaster, Michael (Krechmer) Malice, who also calls himself an anarchist.

I tried very hard to understand the nature of his “anarchism” through the various podcasts which he does with others. But my endeavor to understand where he stands has so far been a failure.

So far, this is what I have learned. He is against a centralized State; and he is, as I am, for the right of secession. But when I try to find out a bit more by listening to his appearances on various podcasts, these podcasts turned into bull sessions. For example, in several podcasts when he was asked to characterize anarchism, he repeated that it is a matter of relating. He uses the phrase “you do not speak for me.” If paraphrased, it means that he requires getting an agreement from him on all matters.

On the Joe Rogan show, he proposed to substitute private security services for the police. But instead of pursuing the nature of anarchism further, the exchange with Joe Rogan turned into a gossip-like bull session.

On the Dave Rubin Report, he mentioned that he was a leftist against the State, and then the conversation turned to other things — more bull session.

In his podcast with Chris Williamson, confronted with the question: What Is The Hardest Question For Anarchism To Answer?, his answer was that he had no idea how to deal with parents who mistreat their children.

Also asked if there is anywhere an anarchistic territory, he answered that it is not a place but a relationship — i.e., of mutual agreement. But other then mentioning ancient Ireland, he could not mention any experiments with anarchism.

This makes me think that he is an anarcho-capitalist, because such a thing never existed, and, in my opinion, is an incoherent idea.

And, if he were an anarcho-socialist or an anarcho-communist, as Cameron Watt is, then he would have mentioned communism in primitive tribes, and anarchist communities which have escaped the State. And he could have mentioned the various communistic societies in the United States in the 19th century, he could also have mentioned Nestor Makhno and Makhnovchina in Ukraine (1918-1921), he could have mentioned the Spanish anarchism (1936-39), and today, the Zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico; Rojava in Syria, and the town of Cheran in Mexico.

But whatever his position is, it is smothered by the bull sessions of the podcasters.

Two films: “Manufacturing Consent” (1992), on the views of Noam Chomsky, and “Salt of the Earth” (1954), a movie recommended by Chomsky.


Below is part of Chomsky’s reaction to the film:

Noam Chomsky interviewed by various activists. Excerpted from Understanding Power, The New Press, 2002


. . .

CHOMSKY: It is, it’s completely missing the point. It’s simply not factually accurate, for one thing — because like I say, the real work is being done by people who are not known, that’s always been true in every popular movement in history. The people who are known are riding the crest of some wave. Now, you can ride the crest of the wave and try to use it to get power, which is the standard thing, or you can ride the crest of the wave because you’re helping people that way, which is another thing. But the point is, it’s the wave that matters — and that’s what people ought to understand. I don’t know how you get that across in a film.

Actually, come to think of it, there are some films that have done it. I mean, I don’t see a lot of visual stuff, so I’m not the best commentator, but I thought Salt of the Earth really did it. It was a long time ago, but at the time I thought that it was one of the really great movies — and of course it was killed, I think it was almost never shown.
WOMAN: Which one was that?
CHOMSKY: Salt of the Earth. It came out at the same time as On the Waterfront, which is a rotten movie. And On the Waterfront became a huge hit — because it was anti-union. See, On the Waterfront was part of a big campaign to destroy unions while pretending to be for, you know, Joe Sixpack. So On the Waterfront is about this Marlon Brando or somebody who stands up for the poor working man against the corrupt union boss. Okay, things like that exist, but that’s not unions — I mean, sure, there are plenty of union bosses who are crooked, but nowhere near as many as C.E.O.s who are crooked, or what have you. But since On the Waterfront combined that anti-union message with “standing up for the poor working man,” it became a huge hit. On the other hand, Salt of the Earth, which was an authentic and I thought very well-done story about a strike and the people involved in it, that was just flat killed, I don’t even think it was shown anywhere. I mean, you could see it at an art theater, I guess, but that was about it. I don’t know what those of you who know something about film would think of it, but I thought it was a really outstanding film.



Below is the film: Salt of the Earth (1954)


Commentaries on Salt of the Earth, see:
Herbert J. Biberman, Salt of the Earth; The Story of a Film (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965) [includes the screenplay by Michael Wilson];
James J. Lorence, The Suppression of Salt of the Earth: How Hollywood, Big Labor, and Politicians Blacklisted a Movie in Cold War America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999).

My criticism of John Mearsheimer and Timothy Snyder for focusing on ideologies rather than the interests of individual leaders

My comments are about the videos posted at: Is the United States really interested in a liberal (democracy) hegemony? and Timothy Snyder’s Red Herrings in “The Road to Unfreedom”