Compare Anarchism with Distributism.

ChatGPT said:

Anarchism and Distributism are both alternative socio-economic theories critical of mainstream capitalism and modern industrial society, but they diverge significantly in their principles, goals, and methods. Here’s a comparison to highlight their similarities and differences:

1. Core Principles

  • Anarchism:
    • Advocates for a stateless, classless society free of all forms of coercive authority, including the state, capitalism, and hierarchies.
    • Emphasizes voluntary cooperation, self-management, and mutual aid.
    • Seeks to replace centralized authority with horizontal, decentralized structures and decision-making through direct democracy or consensus.
  • Distributism:
    • Advocates for a society with widely distributed ownership of property, especially productive property (land, businesses, tools).
    • Based on the idea that economic power should be decentralized, favoring small-scale property ownership by individuals and families.
    • Supports a subsidiarity principle, where matters should be handled by the smallest, most local authority capable of addressing them, while maintaining a moral framework often inspired by Catholic social teaching.

2. Views on Property and Ownership

  • Anarchism:
    • Generally supports collective or communal ownership of resources, opposing private ownership of the means of production, which is seen as exploitative.
    • Some anarchist tendencies, like mutualism, support small-scale private property if it does not involve exploitation and is based on personal use.
    • Advocates the abolition of property as a source of power, seeking to replace it with possession based on use and need.
  • Distributism:
    • Strongly supports private property as essential to personal freedom and dignity, but believes that ownership should be widespread and accessible to all, avoiding monopolies and concentration.
    • Unlike capitalism, it opposes the accumulation of wealth and property in the hands of a few; unlike anarchism, it does not seek to abolish private property but to make it more equitable.
    • Supports the notion that ownership, particularly of productive assets, provides individuals with autonomy and stability.

3. Views on the State

  • Anarchism:
    • Seeks the abolition of the state, viewing it as an inherently oppressive structure that perpetuates inequality and domination.
    • Advocates for organizing society through voluntary associations and decentralized communities without formal government.
    • Many anarchists believe that without the state, people will form cooperative networks and local assemblies to manage resources and ensure mutual aid.
  • Distributism:
    • Does not advocate for abolishing the state but for limiting its role. The state should protect justice, prevent monopolies, and ensure fair distribution, but not centrally control the economy.
    • The state may have a role in enforcing moral guidelines and ensuring that property is distributed fairly, often reflecting its origins in Catholic thought.
    • Supports local governance and small-scale communities but accepts a state that respects the principle of subsidiarity (issues handled at the most local level possible).

4. Economic Structure

  • Anarchism:
    • Favors an economy based on cooperatives, communes, and worker-managed enterprises.
    • Anarcho-communists, for example, advocate for the abolition of money and markets, favoring a gift economy or direct exchange based on needs.
    • Anarcho-syndicalists envision a system where labor unions and federations of workers control production and distribution without capitalist owners or state interference.
  • Distributism:
    • Envisions an economy of small businesses, cooperatives, and family-owned farms. Large corporations and monopolies are discouraged or outlawed.
    • Supports a regulated market economy, where local guilds or cooperatives ensure fair trade and ethical practices.
    • Aims to maintain a moral economy, often inspired by Catholic values, ensuring that economic activity respects human dignity and the common good.

5. Philosophical and Ethical Foundations

  • Anarchism:
    • Often has a secular or diverse ethical foundation, drawing from Enlightenment ideals, individual liberty, humanism, and, in some cases, religious traditions like Christian anarchism.
    • Ethically, anarchism is rooted in a deep skepticism of authority and a belief in the inherent capacity of individuals and communities to self-govern.
    • Many anarchists see power, hierarchy, and economic domination as inherently corrupting.
  • Distributism:
    • Strongly influenced by Catholic social teaching, especially the papal encyclicals like Rerum Novarum and Quadragesimo Anno, which emphasize the dignity of the individual, the importance of family, and the dangers of both capitalism and socialism.
    • Emphasizes a moral and ethical economy, believing that economics should be subordinate to the common good and guided by ethical principles.
    • Aims to create a society that aligns with Christian values of justice, charity, and solidarity.

6. Practical Implementation

  • Anarchism:
    • Often focuses on direct action—protests, strikes, mutual aid projects, and the establishment of autonomous communities.
    • Anarchists are skeptical of electoral politics and often engage in building alternatives to the state and capitalist systems, such as housing co-ops, food networks, and decentralized social services.
    • Relies heavily on grassroots organizing and informal networks to achieve social change.
  • Distributism:
    • Supports gradual reform through legislation, cultural change, and promoting ethical businesses and cooperatives.
    • Encourages people to support local economies, practice ethical consumerism, and engage in small-scale entrepreneurship.
    • Less revolutionary and more reformist than anarchism, aiming to reshape capitalism without dismantling existing institutions entirely.

7. Similarities

  • Both are critical of capitalism and the concentration of wealth and power.
  • Both emphasize decentralization and local autonomy, rejecting large-scale centralization in both economics and governance.
  • Both support the idea that individuals and communities should have greater control over their economic destinies.

8. Key Differences

  • Role of the State: Anarchism seeks to eliminate the state, while Distributism sees a limited, morally guided state as potentially beneficial.
  • Private Property: Distributism upholds private property (in a widely distributed form), while anarchism, particularly in its collectivist strands, often seeks to abolish it or replace it with communal ownership.
  • Ideological Foundation: Anarchism is often secular and varies in ethical orientation, while Distributism is deeply rooted in Catholic and Christian ethics.

In Summary

Anarchism and Distributism both propose alternatives to capitalism, prioritizing economic justice, decentralization, and local empowerment. However, they differ sharply in their views on the state, the role of private property, and their philosophical underpinnings. Anarchism is more radical, seeking to abolish all hierarchical structures, while Distributism is more reformist, aiming for a moral economy that maintains private ownership within a decentralized framework.

4o

Are there any anarchistic communities?

ChatGPT said:

Yes, there have been and continue to be various anarchistic communities, both historically and in modern times. Anarchism as a political philosophy advocates for self-managed, stateless societies where people organize themselves without hierarchical authority structures. Here are a few examples of anarchistic communities, both past and present:

1. Historical Anarchist Communities

  • The Spanish Revolution (1936-1939): During the Spanish Civil War, particularly in Catalonia and Aragon, anarchist groups (mainly the CNT-FAI—Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and Federación Anarquista Ibérica) organized large areas under anarchist principles. In these territories, industries, agriculture, and communities were collectivized and run by workers’ councils, without centralized government control. These areas are often seen as one of the largest and most successful examples of anarchism in practice.
  • Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid Communities: Peter Kropotkin, a famous anarchist thinker, advocated for mutual aid as a natural feature of human society. While not a specific historical community, his ideas were influential in many anarchist projects and inspired mutual aid networks and cooperative communities that sought to implement anarchist principles.

2. Modern Anarchist Communities

  • Christiania (Copenhagen, Denmark): Founded in 1971, Christiania is a self-proclaimed autonomous neighborhood in Copenhagen. It was established by a group of people who took over an abandoned military barracks and developed it into a commune with its own rules, independent of the Danish state. The community runs on principles of self-governance, communal living, and collective decision-making. Although it has faced challenges and state pressure, Christiania has remained a symbol of anarchistic living.
  • ZAD (Zone à Défendre) in France: The ZAD is an area of land in France that has been occupied by activists in opposition to large-scale infrastructure projects, such as the proposed construction of an airport in Notre-Dame-des-Landes. The activists have created a space where they live collectively, often in direct opposition to state and corporate power. ZAD communities often organize around principles of direct action, ecology, and anarchism, creating autonomous zones free from state authority.
  • The Autonomous Region of the Kurdish People (Rojava): In northern Syria, the Kurdish-led autonomous region of Rojava has implemented a system inspired by anarchism and democratic confederalism, a model developed by the Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. The region has emphasized grassroots democracy, women’s liberation, and cooperative economics, although it faces external military threats and internal challenges. Rojava’s governance is based on local councils, direct democracy, and cooperative management of resources.
  • Freetown of Christiana (Norway): Similar to Christiania in Denmark, the Freetown of Christiana in Oslo, Norway, is a squatted, self-managed area that operates outside of government control. It has been a center of anarchist and alternative culture, although it has been under continual pressure from local authorities and developers.
  • Anarchist Black Cross (ABC) & Mutual Aid Networks: While not a specific community, the Anarchist Black Cross is a network of individuals and groups dedicated to supporting political prisoners and advancing anarchist ideals through mutual aid and solidarity. There are local ABC chapters and mutual aid groups that organize community services without state involvement, offering an alternative to traditional forms of governance.

3. Intentional Communities and Collectives

  • Twin Oaks Community (Virginia, USA): Twin Oaks is one of the longest-standing intentional communities in the U.S., founded in 1967. While it is not explicitly anarchist, its principles of collective decision-making, communal living, and economic cooperation align with many anarchist values. The community is based on shared labor and resources, with decisions made through consensus.
  • The Farm (Tennessee, USA): Another intentional community founded in the 1970s, The Farm has maintained a focus on collective living and cooperative economics. While it does not operate as a purely anarchist community, its values of mutual aid, non-hierarchy, and collective decision-making are close to anarchist principles.

4. Contemporary Anarchist Projects and Collectives

  • Anarchist Squats: Around the world, there are numerous anarchist squats—abandoned buildings or spaces occupied and managed by anarchist collectives. These squats are often set up as alternatives to capitalist housing markets, providing living spaces based on cooperation, autonomy, and solidarity. Examples can be found in cities like Barcelona, Berlin, and Athens.
  • Cooperative Housing and Worker Co-ops: There are many cooperative housing projects and worker co-ops that function based on anarchist principles. These collectives often operate without hierarchical management, where all members contribute to decision-making processes and share resources equally. While these are not necessarily anarchist “communities” in the traditional sense, they embody anarchistic values in their structure and function.

Key Themes of Anarchist Communities:

  • Self-management: These communities often operate without centralized authority, relying on direct democracy, consensus, or federated councils to make decisions.
  • Mutual Aid: Anarchist communities emphasize solidarity, cooperation, and sharing resources to meet each other’s needs.
  • Decentralization: Rather than having a single governing body or hierarchy, anarchist communities tend to be decentralized and often organize around local councils, assemblies, or federations.
  • Anti-authoritarianism: Anarchists reject all forms of hierarchical power, including the state, capitalism, patriarchy, and racism, aiming to create societies based on freedom, equality, and justice.

These are just a few examples, but they highlight the diversity of anarchistic thought and the ways in which people around the world try to live according to anarchist principles, either within established social systems or in direct opposition to them.

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You said:

add makhnovchina

ChatGPT said:

Absolutely! The Makhnovshchina (or Makhnovist Movement) is a key historical example of anarchism in practice, and it’s an important part of the broader history of anarchist communities. Here’s a detailed look at the Makhnovshchina:

Makhnovshchina (1918-1921)

The Makhnovshchina refers to the revolutionary movement led by Nestor Makhno, an anarchist revolutionary and military leader, in the Ukrainian region during and after the Russian Revolution. The movement was active primarily between 1918 and 1921, during the tumultuous period of the Russian Civil War.

Background

Nestor Makhno was a key figure in the Ukrainian anarchist movement and led a guerrilla army known as the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine (RIAU). The movement was based on anarchist principles, particularly collectivism, direct democracy, and the abolition of the state.

Makhno’s army, largely composed of peasants, anarchists, and workers, fought against various factions during the Russian Civil War, including the White Army (anti-Bolshevik forces), Imperial German occupation forces, and even Bolshevik troops at times. Despite initially cooperating with the Bolsheviks against the White Army, the Makhnovists eventually found themselves in conflict with the Bolshevik regime due to differences over authority and governance.

Anarchist Communities under Makhno

The Makhnovists were able to establish a form of anarchist self-government in the Ukrainian countryside, creating a decentralized society in which local councils, or soviets, were set up to manage the economy and daily life. Some of the key features of the Makhnovshchina included:

  1. Collectivization and Land Reform: The Makhnovists were committed to land reform and collectivization. They expropriated land from large estates and redistributed it to the peasants, who were encouraged to form agricultural collectives. This system allowed for a significant amount of direct worker control over production and distribution.
  2. Direct Democracy: Local communities were governed through free soviets (councils), which were assemblies of workers, peasants, and soldiers who made decisions by direct democratic processes. These assemblies operated with an emphasis on federalism, with smaller local councils coordinating with larger regional federations.
  3. Anti-Hierarchical Organizing: In contrast to the Bolshevik centralization of power, the Makhnovists rejected state power and sought to build a stateless society. They organized in a decentralized manner, rejecting both capitalist and authoritarian communist structures. They emphasized the autonomy of communities and regions, operating through voluntary federations.
  4. Military Structure and Social Organization: The Makhnovist army was not a traditional military force; it was organized along anarchist principles, with soldiers participating in decision-making through councils and assemblies. It had a non-hierarchical structure where the rank-and-file soldiers had a say in military strategies and tactics, challenging the centralized military hierarchies of other forces like the Bolsheviks.

The Conflict with the Bolsheviks

Initially, Makhno and the Bolsheviks had a working alliance against the White Army, which was composed of monarchists, conservatives, and anti-Bolshevik factions. However, tensions grew between Makhno’s anarchist ideals and Lenin’s centralized Bolshevik government.

  • Bolshevik Repression: The Bolsheviks, under Lenin and Trotsky, eventually turned against the Makhnovists due to ideological differences. The Makhnovist rejection of state authority and centralized control directly contradicted the Bolshevik model, which sought to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat and a centralized, planned economy. The Bolsheviks saw Makhno as a threat to their authority and launched military campaigns to suppress the Makhnovist movement.
  • Betrayal and Defeat: The Bolsheviks sought to destroy the Makhnovist forces, and after several brutal campaigns, the Makhnovist forces were defeated in 1921. Makhno himself fled into exile, first to Romania and later to France, where he spent the rest of his life.

Legacy of the Makhnovshchina

The Makhnovshchina is one of the most significant examples of anarchism in practice during the 20th century. The movement represented a unique and radical experiment in anarchism, where an entire region was organized along anti-authoritarian principles, in direct opposition to both capitalist and Bolshevik state-building efforts. Some key aspects of its legacy include:

  • The fight for libertarian socialism: The Makhnovists were committed to the idea of libertarian socialism, rejecting both capitalist exploitation and Bolshevik authoritarianism. Their struggle was not just about military victories but also about creating an alternative social order based on voluntary cooperation, workers’ control, and egalitarian principles.
  • Impact on anarchist theory and practice: The Makhnovist experience remains a key reference point in anarchist thought, particularly for those who critique the centralization and authoritarianism of the Bolshevik Revolution. Makhno’s struggle and his vision of a federated anarchist society continue to influence anarchist movements today.
  • Lessons on anarchism and revolution: The Makhnovshchina highlights both the potential for anarchist organizing in times of revolution and the challenges of building a stateless society in the face of violent repression from both internal and external enemies. It serves as a cautionary tale about the difficulties of maintaining anarchist principles during a period of war and revolutionary upheaval.

Summary

The Makhnovshchina is one of the most inspiring, yet tragic, examples of anarchist theory being put into practice. Led by Nestor Makhno, this movement created a short-lived anarchist society in Ukraine, where peasants and workers organized themselves through direct democracy and mutual aid, rejecting both the capitalist system and Bolshevik authoritarianism. Despite its ultimate defeat by the Bolsheviks, the Makhnovist movement remains an important symbol of the possibility of anarchist communities in revolutionary contexts.

______________________________________

You said:

what about cheran, mexico?

ChatGPT said:

ChatGPT

Cherán, Mexico is a modern example of a community that has successfully implemented anarchistic principles, particularly in response to external pressures such as organized crime, corruption, and ineffective government policies. While not explicitly founded as an “anarchist” community, Cherán’s transformation into an autonomous, self-governed community has been inspired by many anarchist principles, such as direct democracy, community self-management, and the rejection of state authority.

Background of Cherán

Cherán is an indigenous Purhépecha community located in the state of Michoacán, Mexico. The Purhépecha people have a long history of resistance to external control, particularly in the face of Spanish colonization and, more recently, government neglect and the threat of organized crime. Cherán became internationally known after its autonomous self-defense movement in 2011, which allowed it to expel illegal loggers, drug cartels, and corrupt local officials, and to build a new form of local governance without state intervention.

The Struggles That Led to Autonomy

  • Deforestation and Drug Cartels: One of the major issues facing Cherán was the illegal logging that had been devastating the surrounding forests, a vital resource for the community. Armed criminal groups, often associated with drug cartels, were involved in logging the forests for profit. At the same time, the local government was either unwilling or unable to address these problems, leading to the community taking matters into their own hands.
  • Corruption and State Inefficiency: The community faced widespread corruption within local government structures, and the Mexican state had largely abandoned rural areas like Cherán, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation by criminal groups. The people of Cherán grew increasingly frustrated with the state’s failure to protect them and began to organize for self-defense and autonomy.

The Revolt of 2011

In 2011, Cherán’s inhabitants, largely led by women, took direct action against illegal loggers and organized a popular revolt. The community set up barricades, expelled the illegal loggers from their land, and took control of their own defense. The women of Cherán played a particularly central role in this resistance, mobilizing to protect the forests and the community. This led to the creation of community patrols to guard the forests and prevent further exploitation by criminal elements.

Anarchist Elements in Cherán’s Governance

After successfully defending their land and expelling criminal groups, Cherán began building an alternative system of governance that rejected both the state and the cartels. Some key elements of Cherán’s transformation into an autonomous community that resonate with anarchist principles include:

  1. Autonomous Self-Governance:
    • Direct Democracy: Cherán established a governance model based on direct democracy. Decision-making is done through community assemblies, where every adult member has a say. These assemblies are held frequently to address issues ranging from security to resource management. Local councils are elected to carry out the decisions of the community, but they are deeply accountable to the assembly, ensuring that power remains decentralized.
    • Community Justice: The community also took control of local justice, setting up their own mechanisms to address issues such as crime, disputes, and punishment. Rather than relying on state institutions, Cherán established its own community courts, which reflect the Purhépecha traditions of restorative justice and are intended to restore harmony within the community.
  2. Self-Defense and Collective Security:
    • The community organized self-defense groups to protect itself from the violence and criminal groups that had previously exploited the area. These defense groups are organized by the people, not by the state, and are overseen by community members who are elected for this purpose. This direct action approach to security reflects anarchist ideas of collective self-defense, where the community itself is responsible for protecting its members, rather than relying on an external police force.
  3. Rejection of State Authority:
    • The people of Cherán rejected state intervention in their affairs, and the local government structures in Cherán are independent of the state. The state government of Michoacán had historically failed to provide services, security, and resources to the region, so the community organized itself without waiting for external help. By cutting ties with the formal political structures, Cherán has demonstrated how communities can function outside of state power.
  4. Preservation of Indigenous Culture and Autonomy:
    • A key aspect of the autonomy movement in Cherán is the deep connection to Purhépecha identity and tradition. The cultural autonomy of the Purhépecha people is central to the community’s self-governance and organizational model. Cherán’s rejection of external authorities and embrace of indigenous decision-making systems allows for the continued survival of their traditional practices, including their methods of conflict resolution, environmental stewardship, and collective management.
  5. Environmental Sustainability:
    • The protection of the forests and natural resources of Cherán is also a key part of their anarchistic governance. Rather than prioritizing the extraction of resources for profit, Cherán emphasizes the sustainable use of its land, with the community organizing to protect the environment from exploitation. This is not just an ecological stance but also a reflection of a more cooperative, non-exploitative relationship with the land that contrasts with capitalist and state-driven models of environmental management.

Challenges and Criticism

Despite its success in self-governance, Cherán faces challenges. The community’s struggle for autonomy is ongoing, as the Mexican state and other external forces may try to undermine its self-management. There are also criticisms that Cherán’s model does not go far enough in completely rejecting hierarchy or that it still maintains some traditional structures that could perpetuate social inequalities.

Nonetheless, Cherán remains a powerful example of how communities can build their own systems of governance based on mutual aid, direct democracy, and self-defense—principles that align closely with anarchist thought.

Legacy and Influence

The experience of Cherán has inspired other indigenous and marginalized communities in Mexico and beyond. It is seen as a practical example of autonomy, resilience, and community solidarity in the face of state neglect and criminal violence. While Cherán is not explicitly an “anarchist” community in a theoretical sense, its model of self-governance, direct action, and rejection of state authority echoes core anarchist values.

  • Inspiration for Other Movements: Cherán’s success has influenced other communities in Mexico, especially in the context of the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, which also embraces autonomy and direct action. It also resonates with global movements that seek alternatives to state control, especially in the context of struggles for indigenous rights and environmental justice.

Summary

Cherán, Mexico, represents a contemporary example of a community practicing anarchistic principles, even though it may not explicitly label itself as such. After expelling criminal groups and rejecting state authority, the Purhépecha people of Cherán have built a self-governed community based on direct democracy, collective self-defense, environmental sustainability, and the preservation of indigenous traditions. Their example shows how communities can organize themselves autonomously, without reliance on the state or external authorities, to create a more just and equitable society.

4o mini

ChatGPT can make mistakes. Check im

Escaping the State

Jay Nock wrote a book, Out Enemy, the State, (1935), which expresses our global problem of being ruled (i.e., enslaved) by one or another form of centralized government (= State) . How the State originated is best explained by Franz Oppenheimer’s book, The State (1914).

A few years ago, James Scott came up with a book describing how people all over the world have tried to escape the State. The book is: The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (2009). Although it focuses on an area of Asia, it does mention other places where people have fled from the State. [Incidentally, his work was preceded and inspired by the work of Pierre Clastres, Society Against the State, (1974).]

If you are interested, below are some relevant videos:

James Scott on the topic of “The Art of Not Being Governed”

A Short Account of the Deep History of State Evasion |

Prof James C. Scott – Beyond the Pale: The Earliest Agrarian States and “their Barbarians”, SOAS

Robert Paul Wolff’s Blog

I have just discovered that Robert Paul Wolff has had a blog since 2007. I have read some of it, and find nothing substantial to disagree with. Actually, I have in the past read some of his published writings, and have found them to be insightful concerning anarchism, capitalism, and most political matters.

I encourage you to browse his blog: The Philosopher’s Stone

As an example of his wit, here is one of his blogs.

Sunday, March 14, 2021
ON A LIGHTER NOTE
I am sure all of you are fully familiar with this [below] and can probably quote it from memory, but for those who have somehow failed to watch it, this is a must. It is the functional equivalent of two semesters’ study of Karl Marx and one semester study of the foundations of anarchism.

Sunday, January 15, 2017
HOW TO RUIN A GOOD JOKE
Now that you have all had a chance to view the three minute clip from Monty Python and the Holy Grail, let me ruin it for you by explaining its deeper meaning [yes, Virginia, it has a deeper meaning. For serious Marxists, everything has a deeper meaning.] What makes the scene work, comedically, is the utter failure of the Anarcho-syndicalist cowflop collecting peasants to understand King Arthur, and his utter inability to understand them. The source of the missed communication is that they exist at different stages in the historical development of the social relations of production, and hence their understanding of social reality is encoded in different and incompatible ideological rationalisations of the ruling class. [of course, what also makes the scene work comedically is that the writers of the Monty Python sketches have pitch perfect senses of humor, but that goes without saying.]

The impossibility of someone living in Feudal England understanding the laws of motion of a capitalist economy also, by the way, demonstrates that the knowledge conditions posited by John Rawls in A Theory of Justice under what he calls the “veil of ignorance” are epistemologically incoherent, as I demonstrated in my book Understanding Rawls, But the Monty Python crew, being essentially overgrown Oxbridge undergraduates, probably did not realize that. [If they studied at Cambridge rather than Oxford, they might have taken their understanding of anarchism from my In Defense of Anarchism, because for some while it was required reading for the Moral Science Tripos.]

If you would like me to ruin one of your favorite Marx Brothers sketches, feel free to ask.

Marshall Sahlins (1930-2021)

Marshall Sahlins, Stone Age Economics, 1972.

Chapter 1: The Original Affluent Society

If economics is the dismal science, the study of hunting and gathering economies must be its most advanced branch. Almost universally committed to the proposition that life was hard in the paleolithic, our textbooks compete to convey a sense of impending doom, leaving one to wonder not only how hunters managed to live, but whether, after all, this was living? The specter of starvation stalks the stalker through these pages. His technical incompetence is said to enjoin continuous work just to survive, affording him neither respite nor surplus, hence not even the “leisure” to “build culture.” Even so, for all his efforts, the hunter pulls the lowest grades in thermodynamics-less energy/capita/year than any other mode of production. And in treatises on economic development he is condemned to play the role of bad example: the so-called “subsistence economy.”

The traditional wisdom is always refractory. One is forced to oppose it polemically, to phrase the necessary revisions dialectically: in fact, this was, when you come to examine it, the original affluent society. Paradoxical, that phrasing leads to another useful and unexpected conclusion. By the common understanding, an affluent society is one in which all the people’s material wants are easily satisfied. To assert that the hunters are affluent is to deny then that the human condition is an ordained tragedy, with man the prisoner at hard labor of a perpetual disparity between his unlimited wants and his insufficient means.

For there are two possible courses to affluence. Wants may be “easily satisfied” either by producing much or desiring little. The familiar conception, the Galbraithean way, makes assumptions peculiarly appropriate to market economies: that man’s wants are great, not to say infinite, whereas his means are limited, although improvable: thus, the gap between means and ends can be narrowed by industrial productivity, at least to the point that “urgent goods” become plentiful. But there is also a Zen road to affluence, departing from premises somewhat different from our own: that human material wants are finite and few, and technical means unchanging but on the whole adequate. Adopting the Zen strategy, a people can enjoy an unparalleled material plenty-with a low standard of living.

That, I think, describes the hunters. And it helps explain some of their more curious economic behavior: their “prodigality” for example-the inclination to consume at once all stocks on hand, as if they had it made. Free from market obsessions of scarcity, hunters’ economic propensities may be more consistently predicated on abundance than our own. Destutt de Tracy, “fish-blooded bourgeois doctrinaire” though he might have been, at least compelled Marx’s agreement on the observation that “in poor nations the people are comfortable,” whereas in rich nations “they are generally poor.”

This is not to deny that a preagricultural economy operates under serious constraints, but only to insist, on the evidence from modern hunters and gatherers, that a successful accomodation is usually made. After taking up the evidence, I shall return in the end to the real difficulties of hunting-gathering economy, none of which are correctly specified in current formulas of paleolithic poverty.

…………………………..

Cheran — an anarchist town of 20,000 in Michoacan, Mexico

Yesterday I discovered the existence of a town in Mexico which is a model of anarchism — meaning that it is a politically semi-autonomous town governed by direct democracy since 2011. It is not completely independent because it is subject, for one, to external taxation.

Here is an article about the town from BBC News: Linda Pressly, “Cheran: The town that threw out police, politicians and gangsters,” Oct. 13, 2016.

And here is one from Aljazeera: “How a Mexican town toppled a cartel and established its independence,”, 2014.

Below is one video out of many available on Youtube:

“In this video, Luke Rudkowski of WeAreChange gives you the latest on Cheran, Michoacan an anarchist town that’s followed by anarchy principles and over 30,000 anarchists. We talk to Jeff Berwick the dollar vigilante who organizes one of the largest anarchy conferences anarapulco.”

How is this possible within a State?
1. From the Mexican legal perspective, indigenous people have a right to a certain level of autonomy.
2. And this town is a homogenous one, consisting of Purepecha natives.
3. This town also has arms and a militia.

The situation of Cheran should be distinguished from that of the uprising of Zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico in 1994. Here is a Democracy Now report in 2014 on its 20 year anniversary:

“On the same day North American Free Trade Agreement went into effect on January 1, 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army and people of Chiapas declared war on the Mexican government, saying that NAFTA meant death to indigenous peoples. They took over five major towns in Chiapas with fully armed women and men. The uprising was a shock, even for those who for years worked in the very communities where the rebel army had been secretly organizing. To learn about the impact of the uprising 20 years later and the challenges they continue to face, we speak with Peter Rosset, professor on rural social movements San Cristóbal de las Casas, Mexico.”

Anarchism, Socialism, and Communism

In a previous blog, I wrote:


“There are three characteristics which such primitive or “savage” societies have. The first is that everyone has a free access to subsistence land (socialism). The second is that they form small egalitarian democratic groups (anarchism). The third is that they share freely, and are prone to gift giving (communism).”


The primitive societies which I have in mind are hunter-gatherers, subsistence gardeners, and subsistence herders. Since all three have a source of subsistence on free land, they satisfy the socialist criterion as expressed by Anton Menger [see Anton Menger, The Right to the Whole Produce of Labour, 1899] which is the right to subsistence. Anarchism, on the other hand, is a political ideal which requires a bottom-up democracy — either by consensus or by majority rule — of small groups of about 100 persons. Primitive societies thus satisfy this anarchist requirement.

Whereas socialism and anarchism can be understood as a form of rule following, communism is different in requiring an attitude or disposition to sharing and gift giving as occurs most commonly in families. It cannot occur by simply bringing together different people with different backgrounds.

First, let me say that what occurred in the Soviet Union was not communism. Yes, the Bolshevik Party rechristened itself as the Communist Party. And the rest of the world acquiesced in calling their system “communistic.” But it wasn’t even socialistic since there was no free access to subsistence, unless you want to call a prison a socialist system because the inmates are provided with subsistence (having deprived them of free meandering, and forcing them to work). The Soviet Union had state-run factories and state-run agricultural collectives. The products of these factories and collectives were sold in the domestic and international markets, just like private enterprises do in other countries. The proper name for such a system is “state-capitalism.”

Socialism on a small scale would occur if these enterprises were owned and run by the workers themselves; thus determining their rate of pay by themselves. But how this is to occur has been a subject of controversy.

As I see it, communism is possible only on a small scale where everyone knows everyone else (about 150 persons) and where there prevails mutual trust and respect. It cannot occur by bringing together a bunch of 900 strangers as happened in the experiment of Robert Owen at New Harmony, Indiana, in 1824.

When discussing this experiment, what is always skipped is the fact that the town of New Harmony was successfully built by a flourishing colony of communist Rappites. This was a group of German immigrants who fled from religious persecution in Germany. They were devout Christian celibates, as are the Catholic nuns and monks who live in monasteries. They had the communistic disposition of sharing and gift giving.

If we are to examine whether communism is possible, we have to look for examples in religious communities such as the Mennonites, the Amish, the Dukhobors, as well as other denominations.

The Owen experiment was to bring together strangers into a secular environment and have communism be practiced by decree. This is impossible. If we look at the example of primitive tribes — they form an extended family by birth and custom. Strangers have nothing in common except an external bond of agreement (a social contract), which they may not be inclined to honor.

The closest a colony or a village of strangers can flourish together is when the land is owned in common but used separately. The Russian “mir” (a village) has been used as an example of a workable socialism. It is called “communism” only in the respect that the land is communal property which is shared. But it is not a sharing of work or the products of labor. The Russian mir did not have the Amish trait of, for example, communal barn raising. Individual families coped on their own.

I found the histories of American group settlements to be enlightening, especially the following three books (available on the internet):

John Humphrey Noyes, History of American Socialisms, 1870;
Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the United States, 1875;
William Alfred Hinds, American Communities, 1878, revised 1902

Nordhoff concluded his research thus:

The societies which may thus be properly used as illustrations of successful communism in this country are the SHAKERS, established in the Eastern States in 1794, and in the West about 1808; the RAPPISTS, established in 1805; the BÄUMELERS, or ZOARITES, established in 1817; the EBEN-EZERs, or AMANA Communists, established in 1844; the BETHEL Commune, established in 1844; the ONEIDA PERFECTIONISTS, established in 1848; the ICARIANS, who date from 1849; and the AURORA Commune, from 1852.

Though in name there are thus but eight societies, these consist in fact of not less than seventy-two communes: the Shakers having fifty-eight of these; the Amana Society seven; and the Perfectionists two. The remaining societies consist of but a single commune for each.


Two Anarchists: Ammon Hennessy (1893-1970) and Utah Phillips (1935-2008)

Utah Phillips interviewed by Amy Goodman on Democracy Now in 2004

Ammon Hennacy talks about the Joe Hill House of Hospitality in Salt Lake City

Utah Phillips on Ammon Hennacy and Joe Hill House of Hospitality

While reflecting on Ammon Hennessy, Utah Phillips talks about Anarchism